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Ideologically, we i.

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Helping suffering people makes them more accepting of such policies, i. Or perhaps it is the sentiment of the giver, surely, when I give a buck to beggar in the street it is because I am charitable and sympathetic, when a slave owner allows marriage or Gates gives to malaria, they are evil scheming bastards who protects an oppressive and repulsive system. It seems clear to me that a sentiment is going to be right about some issues and wrong about other issues.

And you can even employ multiple perspectives on an issue at the same time. Why is charitable giving totally weird outside of the system? Here are some completely naked arguments to justify slavery from the BBC. Of course, this is all after the liberal scientific enlightenment where we could even ask such questions. These seem very similar to the justifications people would use to justify the inequalities under capitalism today.

When Kepler was studying, astronomy was considered a much lesser science to biblical studies, so he only pursued it because he was a failed student.

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Within his culture, it makes sense, but we might be upset if all scientific progress was at the feet of the political climate today. The fact that those with an economic interest had to search for such justifications shows that it was not the case that. Quite the opposite. Of course throughout most of human history no justification was necessary. It was a routine part of everyday life that was well understood. That number is probably lower than ever. Numerous slaves sought to escape, right back to Roman times. Look up the history of Spartacus some time. Which is a very nontrivial statement and not at all widely agreed upon.

Yes, of course. The same thing is true for utilitarianism or any other framework. I see where this is coming from a bit, but why focus on the philanthropy at all? Only if you have a very limited understanding of history.

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The impression which I had received respecting the character and condition of the people of the north, I found to be singularly erroneous. I had very strangely supposed, while in slavery, that few of the comforts, and scarcely any of the luxuries, of life were enjoyed at the north, compared with what were enjoyed by the slaveholders of the south. I probably came to this conclusion from the fact that northern people owned no slaves.


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I supposed that they were about upon a level with the non-slaveholding population of the south. I knew they were exceedingly poor, and I had been accustomed to regard their poverty as the necessary consequence of their being non-slaveholders. I had somehow imbibed the opinion that, in the absence of slaves, there could be no wealth, and very little refinement.

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And upon coming to the north, I expected to meet with a rough, hard-handed, and uncultivated population, living in the most Spartan-like simplicity, knowing nothing of the ease, luxury, pomp, and grandeur of southern slaveholders. Such being my conjectures, any one acquainted with the appearance of New Bedford may very readily infer how palpably I must have seen my mistake. In the afternoon of the day when I reached New Bedford, I visited the wharves, to take a view of the shipping. Here I found myself surrounded with the strongest proofs of wealth.


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Lying at the wharves, and riding in the stream, I saw many ships of the finest model, in the best order, and of the largest size. Upon the right and left, I was walled in by granite warehouses of the widest dimensions, stowed to their utmost capacity with the necessaries and comforts of life. Added to this, almost every body seemed to be at work, but noiselessly so, compared with what I had been accustomed to in Baltimore.

There were no loud songs heard from those engaged in loading and unloading ships. I heard no deep oaths or horrid curses on the laborer. I saw no whipping of men; but all seemed to go smoothly on.

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Every man appeared to understand his work, and went at it with a sober, yet cheerful earnestness, which betokened the deep interest which he felt in what he was doing, as well as a sense of his own dignity as a man. To me this looked exceedingly strange. From the wharves I strolled around and over the town, gazing with wonder and admiration at the splendid churches, beautiful dwellings, and finely-cultivated gardens; evincing an amount of wealth, comfort, taste, and refinement, such as I had never seen in any part of slaveholding Maryland.

Every thing looked clean, new, and beautiful. I saw few or no dilapidated houses, with poverty-stricken inmates; no half-naked children and barefooted women, such as I had been accustomed to see in Hillsborough, Easton, St. The people looked more able, stronger, healthier, and happier, than those of Maryland. I was for once made glad by a view of extreme wealth, without being saddened by seeing extreme poverty. But the most astonishing as well as the most interesting thing to me was the condition of the colored people, a great many of whom, like myself, had escaped thither as a refuge from the hunters of men.

I found many, who had not been seven years out of their chains, living in finer houses, and evidently enjoying more of the comforts of life, than the average of slaveholders in Maryland. I will venture to assert, that my friend Mr. This is a very valuable perspective. My issue, such as it is, with philanthropy by the ultra-wealthy is that they essentially have a better prestige exchange rate from a utility perspective.

For the record, I am still very pro-billionaires-doing-this with their wealth, as opposed to less socially beneficial forms of signaling. No joke, if the US was about to transition to dictatorship and I was in charge of choosing the dictator, John Arnold is my current favorite. Like I said, Marcus Aurelius. I think this is a fundamental misunderstanding of Eurasian and Villiam.

It is under-inclusive because, have not these billionaires been voted for dozens, thousands, millions, and billions of times in the form of people voluntarily sending them money? It is over-inclusive because it incorporates obviously anti-democratic portions of the government, like the civil service, are not democratically chosen, and over time have been consistently shown to not respond as such. Once these two problems are exposed, there is little wiggle room left for the critics.

The first part requires anti-philanthropists to focus on only days a year as when voters are wise. To be for as an anti-philanthropist 1, you need a much more open plebesite system, and a reduced social service or one with almost none of the powers they have , for 2 you need to distinguish why civil servants are wiser than philanthropists. Whilst I agree with this point, I think it relies on understanding democracy as voting and response to that, which is probably the mainstream interpretation but is not the only one. For socialist thinkers democracy is also and it seems more prominently the actions of the government of the people, which is much to my regret probably an equally-valid usage.

This is why democratic socialism is different from social democracy the latter interpreting democracy as the mandate to make social change not the motor of social change. So from the point of view of the democratic socialist personal transactions outside of government are undemocratic, as they are not within the scope of the government of the people.

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Note I am not sure if undemocratic here has the stigma attached to it as the mainstream definition would have. Said power means they can turn around and spend it on any of the same things you could have spent it on. If enough people make similar agreements, it represents popular agreement that the seller is a billionaire with power over a very large amount of money.

The difference between this and approval should be obvious: a vote is freely chosen, but material exchange relies on economic coercion. In my example, this is evident by what happens if a peasant both refuses to give food also refuses to be exiled into the taiga.

Your example of the peasant is not a typical example of material exchange and certainly not representative. I get that there is coercion in that example, but the most similar case in the present day appears to be taxation. Even in the absence of a state neighbors will exchange material goods without feeling any coercion.

Yes and yes. Which is why we should rely on votes, not units of wealth, to gauge public approval. Even in a welfare state. Those dynamics are rather different, and each are quite complex. And I pay taxes for public vaccination programmes because I want herd immunity to further protect my children. The important thing about material exchange is that it makes both sides better off.

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